It appears that
Orin Kerr has fallen for the Harvard faculty's preferred spin on the no-confidence vote. The spin? It's not that the faculty disagrees with him, or is uncomfortable with his public remarks. It's just, as
the Crimson column that Prof. Kerr quotes says, "he's a schmuck."* I saw a similar sentiment voiced in a faculty interview on local TV yesterday.
The Crimson column uses this thesis to argue that the University should give Summers "three months" to undergo a personality transplant and "make nice" to the faculty, before facing a second no-confidence vote, with the expectation that he would resign if he loses.
The only problem with the "it's a personality conflict" is that it's not true. Oh, I won't deny that, by all accounts, Larry Summers is a pain-in-the-keister. He's not about to become Mr.
Armed and Fabulous. But there are good reasons why
David Bernstein and
I think that one needs to resort to more-sophisticated explanations.
First, complaints about Summers' personality have been a steady drip. But they'll never boil over, or even affect most faculty members enough to care. He's the university president, not some department head. It's not like faculty members need to sit through a weekly meeting with him. The personality complaint sounds appealing when you think about "bosses you hate," in a regular job. But being the "boss" of tenured faculty isn't like that at all. When CEOs have cantankerous or abrasive personalities, the senior VPs don't get together and stage a revolt. Why? Because they don't have to put up with him on a daily basis like the secretaries do.
Second, the faculty knows the context in which this vote is being held. They're well-aware that their initial claims that Summers' remarks were outrageous (and their complaints about his positions on subjects like ROTC and divestment) have not been well-received in the media or by the public at-large. These are well-educated people, who are willing to risk negative public perceptions. The most plausible reason is some combination of a desire to actually fight for the left-wing causes they believe in and some visceral irrationality, driven by something more than a personality conflict.
In the end, the "he's annoying" rationale is a risky one for faculty (and other members of the university community) to promote, because it makes it more likely that President Summers will go. When he goes, those on the faculty who admit to the political motivations behind their actions will see it as a victory. And the public at-large will see it that way, too, even if the "spinners" prevail in some narrow community of intellectual elites.
P.S. I've self-consciously started a new post-chain on President Summers, as the last one had become unwieldy in length.
Update:I've cut an irrelevant chunk of this post (whining about Blogger), to keep it simple, as a reader has alerted me to
this Robert Musil post with a more-sophisticated version of the same argument:
My contacts at Harvard - which include senior members of the science faculty - are adamant in insisting that President Summers' problems are mostly the result of what is seen by the faculty as constant, unprecedented meddling in departmental affairs, abuse of traditions and faculty input, and other serious managerial deficiencies. The political issues are a flashy side-show.
Musil goes on to argue that this represents the same character failure as the reaction to his gender speech, namely, the "[i]nability to understand the likely reactions to his acts."
Now, I can't claim to have had the same sort of conversations with senior Harvard faculty members that Musil recounts in his post. But I've heard secondhand (and, to be fair, thirdhand) accounts of several incidents of "meddling" and ignoring faculty opinion. It may be that only certain types of stories make it my way, but in most of these stories, the issues which faculty defenders are rushing to label as non-political had strong overtones of either politics or political-correctness to them. One of the faculty contacts quoted in Musil's post argues that Summers has overruled faculty "without providing cogent and well explained reasons." If the public responses to Summers' gender speech tell us anything, it's that we might hesitate before taking the word of the faculty on what constitutes "cogent and well-explained."
As I've written before, I don't think any one explanation will capture what's going on here. But a theory based on a power struggle can't dismiss the origins of that power struggle in substantive disagreements just because the faculty isn't monolithically Marxist.